Cataclysm 1914: The First World War and the Making of Modern by Alexander Anievas

By Alexander Anievas

Cataclysm 1914 brings jointly a few leftist students from a number of fields to discover the numerous diversified points of the origins, trajectories and effects of the 1st global conflict. the gathering not just goals to check the conflict itself, yet seeks to visualize the clash and all its rapid effects (such because the Bolshevik Revolution and ascendency folks hegemony) as a defining moment—perhaps the defining moment—in twentieth century global politics rupturing and reconstituting the ‘modern’ epoch in its many instantiations. In doing so, the gathering takes up numerous diversified themes of curiosity to either a normal reader, these desirous about Marxian thought and method, and leftist and socialist histories of the war.

Contributors are: Alexander Anievas, Shelley Baranowski, Neil Davidson, Geoff Eley, Sandra Halperin, Esther Leslie, Lars T. Lih, Domenico Losurdo, Wendy Matsumura, Peter D. Thomas, Adam Tooze, Alberto Toscano, and Enzo Traverso.

Biographical note
Alexander Anievas, Ph.D. (2011), college of Cambridge, Leverhulme Early occupation learn Fellow. he's the writer of Capital, the kingdom, and warfare: type clash and Geopolitics within the "Thirty Years Crisis", 1914-1945 (University of Michigan Press, 2014).

All drawn to the background of the 1st global conflict and its influence at the trajectory of recent international politics. matters: historical past, diplomacy, Marxism, ancient Sociology, Political proposal.

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An early supporter of the Pan-Germans, he joined the League’s national leadership in the final years before 1914. He ended his political career in the late 1920s and early 1930s as a Reichstag deputy for the nsdap. See Eley 1991, pp. 54–7, pp. 108–11, pp. 229–35; Frech 2009; von Liebert 1925. 50 Stoler 2006; also Stoler, McGranahan and Purdue 2007, pp. 8–13. 51 Hasse 1895, p. 47. Germany, the Fischer Controversy, and the Context of War 39 technocratic and hostile to democracy. 52 This Pan-German vision was the most radical and forthright of the efforts at imagining, programmatically and consistently, how Germany might take its place among the vaunted ‘world empires’.

It allowed German foreign policymakers to convert popular nationalism into a ‘long-term integrative factor which helped stabilise an anachronistic 25 See here Anievas 2013; Green 2012; Rosenberg 2013. For the move by historians toward ‘de-centering’, see especially Mulligan 2010, and Clark 2012. 26 For excellent commentary developed at the time, see Iggers 1985, pp. 1–48. 27 See especially Fischer 1975, and 1986. 28 See Wehler 1969, p. 115. 29 In one of his more recent iterations, ‘[i]t was only beneath this perspective that Wilhelmine “Weltpolitik” revealed its real meaning, its deeper driving force’.

115. 29 In one of his more recent iterations, ‘[i]t was only beneath this perspective that Wilhelmine “Weltpolitik” revealed its real meaning, its deeper driving force’. By 1914 that obduracy against reform translated into a permanently embedded pattern of politics, ‘[o]nly this technique of rule seemed to make it possible to continue blocking the reformist modernisation of the social and political constitution in the necessary degree’. Such recourse was also systemically imposed by the flawed and divisive nature of the Imperial-German polity: The ‘imperial nation’ was a class society dangerously riven with contradictions between a semi-constitutional authoritarian state, traditional power elites, and state-oriented bourgeoisie on the one side, and the gradually forward moving forces of democratisation and parliamentarisation on the other side.

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